2. PLAN OF THE CHURCH
The site of the church has been briefly discussed above. Considerations on the plan now will be given.
Since many plans are possible, the bishop must make his decision after consulting with an expert architect and taking into account the nature of the site and the size of the building.
The cruciform plan, going back almost to apostolic times, and as seen in the major basilicas of Rome {1}, built in this way, is to be preferred. The round edifice was once used for pagan temples and much less among Christian peoples.{2}
Every church, then, and in particular those requiring an imposing appearance, ought preferably to be built in the form of a cross. There are various types, such as for example the oblong one, which is most commonly used. The other types are rarer.
Therefore, where possible, the oblong cross plan should be used in every church to be built, whether it is a cathedral, collegiate or parish church.(3) Where the site requires a plan that differs from the oblong form, the advice of the architect can be followed subject to approval by the bishop.
Building criteria for the cruciform church
The cruciform church, whether it is to have a single nave, or a nave and two, or four, aisles, can be constructed following varied proportions and designs, but also using only this one: that is with two chapels built at either side of the main chapel, of course outside of the entrance [to the main chapel]. Extended like arms, these will project beyond the sides of the whole building, and will be visible externally depending on how large they are, according to the type of architecture.
NOTES
Chapter II, pp.
- The second part of a ceremonial manual compiled by Borromeo and his uncle Pius IV (Pontificales secundum ritum et usum Sancte Romane Ecclesie, printed by Giunta in Venice, 1561) describes the rites for the consecration of churches. The woodcut which is used as a visual aid in the procedure for the blessing of a site, shows the longitudinal plan (Fig. 2.1). This publication appears rather early in the reign of Pius IV and gives additional support to Lewine’s observation that the solutions to some of the fundamental problems in church design emerge as early as the 1530’s and live on throughout the next four or five decades without reference to Michelangelo or his ideas. Lewine’s study examines all new churches founded or completely built in Rome between 1527 and 1580 and his conclusion sustains the theory that “frequent Masses, regular preaching and manifest piety each created a demand on the fabric of a church; the stylistic responses on the part of Roman architects were immediate and their solutions enduring.”a.
As was noted in the Introduction to this study, Charles Borromeo was familiar with the ancient basilicas of Rome. The spirit of the reform movement had an attitude of “back to the sources,” that is, a return to the fervor of the ancients and of the medieval church which also resulted in a revival of reading the Church Fathers and early liturgists. Included among Borromeo’s personal books were manuscript notes on the writings of both Sicardus and Durandus, (b) which for purposes of this study indicates some influence from both of these medieval sources. In the Durandus Rationale (I, 17) the statement is made that “some churches are built in the shape of a cross to signify that we are crucified to the world and should tread in the steps of the Crucified.” In reference to the central plan, Durandus adds that “some (churches) also are built in the form of a circle to signify that the Church has extended throughout the circle of the world.”
Cataneo builds from the Durandus analogy and sets down his idea that the principal church of a city should be in cruciform plan equating the measurements of the perfect human body. He goes on to incorporate the perfect body of Christ with the ground plan, identifying specific liturgical functions with various parts of the body (Fig. 2.2).(c)
Palladio, in his discussion of temple forms, supports first the central plan by stating that temples ought to be large, and that from among all figures that are terminated by an equal circumference, non is more capacious than the round. Of the longitudinal plan he says “those churches also are very laudable that are made in the form of a cross, which have their entrance in the part that represents the foot of the cross, and opposite to which should be the principal altar and the choir; and in the two branches, that are extended from either side like arms, two other entrances, or two other altars; because that being fashioned in the form of a cross, they represent to the eyes of the beholders that wood
(a) M. Lewine, “The Roman Church Interior, 1527-1580” (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1960).
(b) Saba, entry under R: RATIONALE Siceardi, et Durantis. Manuscriptum. (p. 35).
(c) Cataneo, III, i.
from which depends our salvation. And, of this form I have made San Giorgio Maggiore at Venice.”(d) Recent studies have produced additional insights into Palladio’s sense of the Catholic Reform movement in architecture: the role of mass participation in religious ceremonies.(e)
- “As far as round edifices are concerned, this type of plan was used for pagan temples and is less customary among Christian people.” From these words it has often been inferred that Borromeo frowned upon the central plan.(f) But Borromeo elaborates upon this idea and concludes that some sites “require another form of building in preference to the oblong form,” and that a church of such construction may be made. Actually Borromeo simply recommends the rectangular form as first choice for basilicas and parochial churches but approves the round as well. The following documentations substantiate this fact.
Serviliano Latuada in his famous description of Milan tells how during the plague of 1576 city officials under the encouragement of cardinal Borromeo approved funds to build a votive temple in honor of St. Sebastian “con disegno…del celebre Architetto Pellegrino Pellegrini.”(g)
About 1488 a location outside of the city of Milan was set apart to serve as a campsite for plague victims. during the plague of 1576-78, Borromeo, in consultation with Pellegrino Tibaldi and Ludovico Moneta approved another centrally planned building. It was to be an open, octagonal church in the center of which was an altar. Above the altar, supported by columns and pilasters, there was a small eight-sided cupola with tholos (See Appendix II #24 for the location of the Lazaretto and the church.) The original Tibaldi plan is in the Borromeo archives at Isola Bella (Fig. 2.5). The inscription, which is signed by Borromeo, states that “we approve the form and plan expressed in this picture from the advice of the skilled architect, and, carefully inspected by us, in accordance with the provisions of our instructions for church building, we concede that the construction of this church be made and completed….”
(d) Palladio, IV, ii.
(e) Both S. Giorgio Maggiore (1565) and Il Redentore (1577) were designed to accommodate a specific function in religious cult. Palladio’s conception of Il Redentore corresponded exactly to its role as a votive and not a parochial church. As a temple of the Republic it was principally designated for the processions and ceremonies of the Serenissima, and only secondarily for the Capuchins, who were the resident guardians of the church. The central apse contained the main altar, the lateral apses were designed to seat the Doge and the Senate, and were therefore without altars. Side altars, however, appear in S. Giorgio Maggiore, which was built primarily as a monastic church. See: A. Isermeyer, “La concezione degli edifici sacri palladiani,” XIV (1972), pp. 105-35 and C. Semeszato, “Le chiese di Andrea Palladio,” XV (1973), pp. 267-78 in Bollettino del centro internazionale di studi di architettura, A. Palladio (Vicenza).
(f) Blunt, p. 127; also R. Wittkower, Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism (London, 1960), p. 31.
(g) S. Latuada, Descrizione di Milano (Milan, 1738), vol. III, pp. 119-25. For Tibaldi’s project see Figs. 2.3, 2.4. For further documentation, see C. Baroni, Documenti per la storia dell’Architettura a Milano nel Rinascimento e nel Barocco (Rome, 1968), vol. II, pp. 157-75. (For location within the city see appendix II, #92.)
The Archivio Arcivescovile della Curia di Milano (XXXVIII:50-26) turns up yet another centrally planned church. The document is dated 30 May 1578, and the entry description reads: Il card. Carlo Borromeo rilascia la licenza di costruire la nuova chiesa di S. Rocco, licenza scritta e sottoscritta con firma autografa, in calce al progetto disegnato a penna con la pianta della nuova chiesa. E’ pure unito uno schizzo a penna con la pianta sezione circolare della cappelletta di S. Rocchino.
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